Violence in Colombia is intensifying in 2026, and the figures clearly confirm it. In the first months of the year, the country has recorded a significant increase in massacres and killings of social leaders, concentrated in regions where the presence of illegal armed groups remains decisive.
The surge marks a sustained trend that once again highlights the fragility of security across large areas of the territory, the limited progress in the controversial peace policy of the Petro administration, and the consolidation of both new and longstanding criminal organizations in certain parts of the country.
The main focus of this escalation is in the department of Antioquia, which tops the most critical indicators. It accounts for the highest number of killings of social leaders and massacres so far in 2026, amid disputes between criminal structures over control of illicit economies and strategic corridors.
The accumulated figures since the signing of the Peace Agreement with the now-defunct FARC a decade ago are deeply alarming: according to official data, 1,699 people have been killed during this period, highlighting the persistence of violence, especially against social leaders.
Violence statistics for 2026 in Colombia
Available data show that Colombia is experiencing one of the most violent starts to a year in recent times. In the first quarter of 2026, at least 94 victims have been recorded in massacres, representing a notable increase compared to previous years and signaling a troubling trend in the evolution of the conflict.
This situation is compounded by the systematic killing of social leaders. So far this year, more than three dozen community defenders have already been murdered, according to reports from official bodies and independent organizations. These figures reflect the persistence of a phenomenon that continues to affect those who play key roles in defending rights and organizing their communities.
The department of Antioquia ranks as the region with the highest levels of this type of violence, surpassing regions such as Cauca and Arauca, which report four cases each, while the department of Nariño, in the south, records three homicides, along with other regions showing lower figures.
Beyond the numbers, what is most concerning is the frequency and distribution of these incidents. Massacres have not only increased but are recurring in specific areas, suggesting a structural dynamic linked to the presence of illegal armed actors and disputes over territorial control.
In this sense, the pattern of violence in 2026 follows defined geographic trends. The most affected regions coincide with areas where illegal armed groups linked to drug trafficking, illegal mining, and other illicit economies operate. In these territories, violence becomes a tool to consolidate power and eliminate any form of social resistance.
Social leaders are one of the main targets. In many cases, the victims were involved in land restitution processes, crop substitution programs, or community initiatives that challenged the interests of these groups. Their murder not only removes leadership but also weakens the social fabric and facilitates armed control.
Massacres, for their part, have a collective impact. The attacks are often directed at groups of people in rural or peripheral contexts, with the aim of instilling fear and sending messages of territorial dominance. This type of violence has direct consequences for forced displacement and the breakdown of entire communities.
Antioquia, epicenter of the escalation
In this context, Antioquia has become the main focal point of violence in 2026. The department leads both the killings of social leaders and the number of massacres recorded in the country, surpassing other regions that have historically been scenes of armed conflict.
In the first three months of the year, six massacres were recorded there, out of a national total of 35 events that left 133 victims, according to figures cited by Revista Semana.
The situation is especially critical in subregions such as Bajo Cauca, northeastern Antioquia, and western Antioquia. In these territories, various armed actors converge, including the Gulf Clan and dissident factions of the FARC, which are engaged in disputes over control of drug trafficking routes and other illegal activities.
This scenario also reflects the State’s limitations in guaranteeing security in rural and remote areas. Institutional presence remains insufficient in several of these territories, allowing armed structures to consolidate and violence to continue.
The increase in violence has profound effects on affected communities. The killing of social leaders represents the loss of key figures for organization and the defense of rights, while massacres generate an immediate impact of collective terror.
Many families are forced to abandon their territories, increasing internal displacement and worsening the humanitarian crisis in several regions of the country. Violence is not measured only in figures, but in the breakdown of the social fabric and the loss of community projects.
For the State, the challenge is twofold. On one hand, it must contain the expansion of armed groups and regain territorial control. On the other, it needs to strengthen institutional presence and guarantee security conditions that allow communities to carry out their processes without threats. For now, despite efforts and the commitment to the so-called “Total Peace,” the government is achieving neither.
Social leaders, the number one enemy of illegal armed groups
In Colombia, the figure of social leaders has become a key element in community life, especially in territories where the State has traditionally had a limited presence. Their origins are tied to historical processes of local organization, in which rural, Indigenous, Afro-descendant, and urban communities began to organize to defend collective interests and manage basic needs.
These forms of leadership do not respond to a single formal structure. In many cases, they emerge spontaneously from community recognition. A person becomes a social leader when they assume representation of their community before public or private institutions, or when they promote initiatives aimed at improving living conditions in their environment. This legitimacy does not necessarily come from official elections, but from trust built through daily work.
The role of social leaders is broad and diverse. They act as intermediaries between communities and the State, channel demands related to public services, education, health care, or infrastructure, and promote citizen participation. They also play an important role in defending territory, protecting the environment, and preserving cultural identities.
At the institutional level, their work has gradually been recognized through regulations aimed at strengthening citizen participation. Spaces such as community action boards, community councils, or Indigenous councils have served as platforms for their organized action. However, many leaders operate outside these formal structures, adapting to the specific dynamics of their communities.
It is precisely because of this role that they are the main target of the various illegal armed groups operating in rural and remote areas. Social leaders are perceived by these organizations as an obstacle in their struggle to dominate territory, which is why they have historically been, tragically, persecuted and killed.