One hundred days before leaving the Casa de Nariño — Colombia’s presidential palace — Gustavo Petro holds a 47.3% approval rating, according to the latest Invamer poll. The figure represents a two-point drop compared to the March measurement, but it remains high for a president in the final stretch of his term, typically marked by fatigue and controversy.
The data challenges the notion of a government in rapid decline, despite scandals and the limited legislative success of the main campaign promises made by the sitting president during the 2022 race.
In this sense, despite political tensions, recent scandals — including attacks from former head of the Administrative Department of the Presidency, Angie Rodriguez — and difficulties in advancing key reforms, Petro maintains a level of support that requires a more nuanced reading of his closing phase.
Petro’s approval rating 100 days before leaving office
Colombia’s recent history shows that the final months of a presidency are usually marked by a more pronounced deterioration in the president’s image, with the exception of Alvaro Uribe’s administration (2002–2010), when the now former president ended his term with an approval rating above 75%.
The combination of unfulfilled promises, internal conflicts, and loss of political momentum tends to quickly erode public perception. Petro, however, despite enormous difficulties and political polarization, appears to be operating under a different logic. His approval is not collapsing; it is adjusting.
That distinction matters. A 47.3% rating does not describe a government in terminal crisis, but rather one that, despite tensions, retains the ability to connect with a significant portion of the electorate. It is a figure that suggests the political project that brought Petro to power has not entirely faded, even if it has faced evident obstacles.
Governing in Colombia involves navigating a complex institutional structure while also responding to deep social expectations, almost always unmet. Petro came to power promising structural transformations in areas such as healthcare, pensions, and the energy transition. Those reforms, however, have progressed unevenly and, in some cases, have been stalled in the political tug-of-war of a Congress in which the government failed to secure a majority.
That wear and tear is inevitable. No administration emerges unscathed from the day-to-day management of power, even less so one that bet on high-impact changes that were perhaps difficult to achieve in just four years.
The two-point drop in the Invamer poll can be read as an expression of that wear and tear, but not as a sign of collapse. Rather, it reflects the cost of governing in an environment where every decision generates resistance.
Public order, Colombia’s main problem
The Invamer study highlights public order as Colombia’s main problem. At least, it is for 36.9% of respondents. And all this comes during the weekend in which the country mourns 20 deaths in the brutal attack on the Pan-American Highway carried out by a group under the command of alias Ivan Mordisco in the south of the country.
At 17% — well below — the second main concern for Colombians is “basic needs,” which, despite the government’s social policies, remains an unresolved issue in a country with pressing needs in essential aspects of social life.
Below that are issues such as “unemployment and the economy” (16.1%), “corruption” (10.7%), “other problems” (8.9%), and “poor performance of the government/political system” (7.3%).
Additionally, among what are considered the three main issues the next president should focus on, leading concerns are “the quality and coverage of healthcare” (55.3%), “insecurity” (51.6%), and “unemployment” (29.1%). Below those are issues such as “the economy” (27.7%), “the quality and coverage of education” (24%), “corruption” (12.6%), “poverty” (10.1%), “neglect of rural areas and agriculture” (4.9%), “cost of living” (3.6%), and finally “abandoned children” (3.5%).
An electoral base that withstands scandals and political noise
This scenario is compounded by episodes that have fueled controversy in recent weeks. Accusations and attacks from Angie Rodriguez, former head of the Administrative Department of the Presidency, have further strained the political climate. These episodes, amplified by the media and the opposition, usually have a direct impact on public perception.
However, the effect has not been devastating. The relative stability of the approval rating suggests that, although scandals generate noise, they do not necessarily deeply erode the president’s support base. There is a segment of the population that appears to distinguish between circumstantial controversies and a broader evaluation of the government.
The Invamer data also speaks to the nature of Petro’s support. It is not a volatile popularity, but rather a base that, while not growing, does not easily dissolve. That base is rooted in sectors that see his government as representing longstanding demands, particularly in terms of social inclusion and political change.
That resilience means that, despite setbacks, the president maintains a narrative that remains relevant for part of the country. And in politics, the persistence of a narrative is just as important as concrete results, especially as the end of a term approaches.
In fact, this seems to be reflected in the voting intention of presidential candidate Ivan Cepeda — aligned with Petro’s government — who, according to the same poll, surpasses 44% for the first round, well ahead of his two main right-wing rivals.