Colombia’s presidential race is entering a decisive and increasingly complex phase, and the latest Invamer poll offers one of the clearest snapshots yet of a country navigating between certainty and uncertainty. At first glance, the numbers suggest a defined frontrunner. Iván Cepeda leads comfortably in first-round voting intention, consolidating his position at the top of the electoral map. Yet a deeper reading of the data reveals a far more competitive and fluid scenario, particularly when attention shifts to a potential second round. Is Colombia witnessing the consolidation of a likely president, or the early signs of a race that could still be dramatically reshaped?
The Invamer survey, conducted between April 15 and April 24, 2026, across 149 municipalities and based on 3,800 in-person interviews, carries a margin of error of 1.89% and provides a statistically robust picture of public opinion. Cepeda registers 44.3% of voting intention, a notable increase from 37.1% in the previous measurement, marking a rise of more than seven percentage points. Behind him, Abelardo de la Espriella reaches 21.5%, up from 18.9%, while Paloma Valencia climbs to 19.8%, almost doubling her earlier 10%. Further down the field, Claudia López falls sharply to 3.6%, and Sergio Fajardo drops to 2.5%, reinforcing the perception of a shrinking political center.
These figures immediately raise a fundamental question: does Cepeda’s advantage reflect a consolidated majority, or is it largely the result of a divided opposition that has yet to unify behind a single contender?
A frontrunner gaining strength but approaching a ceiling?
Cepeda’s growth is not only visible in the general scenario but also in a reduced ballot simulation limited to five candidates. In that case, he reaches 44.7%, slightly up from 43.1%, while De la Espriella stands at 22.9% and Valencia at 21.2%, both maintaining upward or stable trajectories. Meanwhile, López declines to 5.5% and Fajardo to 4.2%, while the blank vote remains low at 1.5%. These numbers confirm a central trend: the election is increasingly consolidating around two blocs, with diminishing space for centrist alternatives.
However, Cepeda’s strength also introduces a strategic dilemma. If he is already approaching 45% of voter intention, how much room is left for further growth? Can he expand beyond his core base, or is he nearing a natural ceiling that could complicate his path in a runoff? In Colombia’s two-round system, reaching the second round is only half the battle; the real challenge lies in building a broader coalition.
This question becomes even more relevant when considering his association with the government of Gustavo Petro. According to the same poll, Petro’s approval stands at 47.3%, while 48.9% of respondents disapprove of his administration, with 3.8% undecided. Compared to earlier measurements, approval has slightly declined while disapproval has increased, reinforcing the image of a country divided almost in half. Does this balance represent an opportunity for Cepeda to consolidate continuity, or does it signal a limit imposed by growing dissatisfaction?
Runoff simulations reveal a much tighter contest
The most revealing—and potentially decisive—data emerges in the second-round simulations. When voters are asked to choose between Cepeda and Valencia, the race tightens significantly: Cepeda obtains 51.2% while Valencia reaches 46.6%, with 2.3% opting for a blank vote. A difference of just 4.6 percentage points suggests a highly competitive scenario in which campaign dynamics, alliances, and even turnout could determine the outcome.
This narrowing is particularly striking when compared to earlier measurements, where Cepeda enjoyed a far wider lead. What explains this shift? Valencia’s rapid growth appears to be a key factor. Her ability to nearly double her support suggests she is attracting voters beyond her traditional base, potentially including moderates and former centrist supporters. Could she be positioning herself as the candidate capable of unifying the opposition?
In contrast, a runoff between Cepeda and De la Espriella presents a wider margin. Cepeda leads with 54.6% against 42.6%, with 2.8% voting blank. While still competitive, the 12-point difference indicates a less tight race. Yet even here, the trend shows a reduction in Cepeda’s advantage compared to previous months. Does this suggest a broader consolidation of anti-government sentiment, regardless of the opposition candidate?
Second-choice votes and rejection rates could be decisive
One of the most critical insights from the poll lies in second-choice preferences. When respondents are asked whom they would support if their preferred candidate does not advance, Valencia emerges as the clear favorite, with 25.1% naming her as their alternative. De la Espriella, by contrast, receives just 4.7%. In a runoff system, where vote transfers often determine the final result, this difference could be decisive. Does this mean that the real contest is not just about first-round positioning, but about who is best positioned to absorb the votes of eliminated candidates?
Rejection levels add another layer of complexity. Only 1.3% of respondents say they would never vote for Valencia, compared to 16.5% for De la Espriella. In a second round, where candidates must expand beyond their base, high rejection can become a critical barrier. Favorability data reinforces this as Valencia holds an 85.1% positive image among those who know her, compared to 78.8% for De la Espriella. Could these differences ultimately determine which opposition candidate stands the best chance of challenging Cepeda?
Colombia, a country divided between continuity and change
Perhaps the most striking finding of the Invamer poll is the near-perfect balance between voters who favor continuity and those who seek change. Around 50.2% of respondents say they prefer a candidate in opposition to the current government, while a similar proportion is open to a candidate aligned with it. This equilibrium suggests that the election is not a straightforward referendum but a more complex contest shaped by competing narratives.
The perception of change under Petro’s administration further complicates the picture. According to the poll, 46.2% of respondents believe their lives have improved, while 27% report negative changes and 25.2% perceive no change. Additionally, 26% say they or their families have directly benefited from government policies. These figures raise important questions. Will voters prioritize perceived improvements, even if they remain concerned about certain policies? Or will dissatisfaction—particularly in key areas—drive them toward opposition candidates?
Comparisons with the presidency of Ivan Duque provide additional context. Duque faced significantly higher disapproval rates during his tenure, while Petro’s numbers have remained more balanced. Does this indicate a more resilient base for the current administration, or simply a normalization of political polarization in Colombia?
Security emerges as one of the most critical issues shaping voter sentiment. The poll reveals that 60.8% of respondents believe the government’s “total peace” policy is on the wrong track, while 61.7% say it has made them feel less secure. Additionally, 73.8% think the state has lost control in territories affected by armed groups. These perceptions are reinforced by another alarming figure: 58.2% of respondents believe Colombia is close to returning to past levels of violence, and 58.1% say criminal groups are pressuring citizens to vote for specific candidates. Such concerns elevate security from a policy issue to a central electoral theme.
For Cepeda, this represents a significant challenge. Can he defend the government’s approach while addressing widespread fears about insecurity? For the opposition, security offers a powerful narrative—but can they translate criticism into credible solutions?
As alliances form, Colombia’s political center shrinks
The decline of centrist figures such as Fajardo and López underscores a broader trend: the political center is being squeezed out. This leaves the election increasingly structured around two blocs, but also raises questions about where centrist voters will go.
Alliances will be crucial in this context. In a second-round scenario, the ability to attract supporters of eliminated candidates could determine the outcome. Valencia’s advantage in second-choice preferences positions her strongly in this regard, but will that be enough to consolidate the opposition?
Another key factor is the vice-presidential formula. According to the poll, 67.7% of respondents say the running mate influences their vote. This suggests that strategic ticket-building could play a decisive role in shaping voter perceptions and expanding electoral bases. Could a well-chosen vice-presidential candidate help bridge the divide between continuity and opposition?
As Colombia moves closer to the first round, the Invamer poll provides both clarity and uncertainty. Cepeda’s lead is undeniable, but the dynamics of a second round reveal a far more competitive race. Valencia’s rapid growth and stronger positioning in vote transfers make her a formidable challenger, while De la Espriella maintains a solid base but faces limitations in expanding it.
The broader picture is one of balance and volatility. The electorate is divided, key issues such as security remain unresolved, and the political center continues to weaken. In such a context, even small shifts in voter sentiment could have significant consequences. This leads to a final set of questions that will shape the months ahead. Can Cepeda convert his first-round advantage into a decisive victory, or will a unified opposition turn the tide? Will Valencia emerge as the main challenger capable of building a broad coalition, or will fragmentation persist? And ultimately, what kind of mandate will the next president have in a country so evenly divided?
The Invamer poll does not settle the race—but it makes one thing clear: Colombia’s 2026 election remains wide open, and the outcome will likely depend not on who leads today, but on who proves most capable of adapting to an electorate still searching for answers.