Colombia’s Narco Past: How Colombians Really Feel

Written on 05/13/2026
jhoanbaron

Discover how Colombians really feel about Colombia’s narco past, from narco tours to the Netflix effect on identity. Rather than glorifying the violence for entertainment, many locals prefer to honor the victims at memorial sites like Medellín’s Parque de la Vida, which was built exactly where cartel properties once stood. Credit: Jhoan Baron / ColombiaOne (AI-generated picture). For editorial use only.

More than 30 years after the death of Pablo Escobar on December 2, 1993, Colombia’s narco era remains one of the most commercially exploited chapters in recent Latin American history, generating Netflix series, guided tours, and international news cycles that most Colombians did not ask for and do not recognize as an accurate portrait of their country. The gap between how the world consumes that history and how Colombians actually lived it sits at the center of an ongoing cultural dispute with real consequences for national identity, international reputation, and urban tourism policy.

The most direct expression of that dispute plays out in Medellín, where private operators have run narco tours since the early 2010s, and where local residents, particularly those from the comunas (the working-class hillside neighborhoods that bore the worst of cartel violence) continue to frame those tours as a commercial use of their suffering that serves foreign visitors rather than the communities that survived it.

A city that remembers the numbers

Medellín registered 6,349 homicides in 1991, a rate of 380 per 100,000 inhabitants that made it the most violent city in the world by that measure, and for Colombians who lived through those years the figure is not a historical statistic but a count of neighbors, classmates, and family members, making the romanticization of that period particularly difficult to accept regardless of its commercial logic. The Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica documented more than 220,000 deaths and 7.7 million displaced people across Colombia’s armed conflict as a whole, a scale of loss that researchers and civil society organizations invoke consistently when they argue that the narco-tourism industry trivializes a wound that Colombia has not finished treating.

Medellín itself drew the clearest institutional line in 2019, when the city demolished the Monaco building, Escobar’s former Medellín residence and one of the tour circuit’s most visited stops, and replaced the site with a memorial park called Parque de la Vida, a deliberate choice by the Alcaldía de Medellín to substitute a landmark of glorification with one of mourning. That decision expressed official policy, but it did not end the tours; operators simply adjusted their routes, and the “their story, not ours” complaint that residents had voiced for years continued without institutional resolution.

The Netflix effect on Colombian identity

Netflix’s Narcos, which aired from 2015 to 2016 and reached more than 70 million households in its first two seasons, deepened the international reduction of Colombia to a single criminal narrative in ways that predated the streaming era but accelerated sharply with it, and Colombian academics studying diaspora communities consistently document that Colombians living abroad face heightened associations between their nationality and drug trafficking whenever a new narco production reaches a global audience.

Researchers publishing in the Via Tourism journal and Frontiers in Political Science note that the series drew criticism from Colombian civil society not only for its historical inaccuracies but for casting Brazilian and Mexican actors in Colombian roles, a choice that compounded the “their story, not ours” dynamic by removing Colombian voices from a Colombian story.

However, the response among younger Colombians is more varied than a simple rejection. Academics at universities including EAFIT in Medellín and the Universidad Nacional in Bogotá document a generational split in which Colombians under 35, those who did not experience the cartel years directly, tend to approach the narco period as history that can be examined critically rather than as a trauma that must be protected from outside interpretation, while the generation that lived through it maintains a sharper resistance to any framing that aestheticizes the violence.

Who controls the narrative going forward

Colombia’s ability to control how its narco history reaches international audiences depends less on cultural policy than on the commercial incentives that make the narco story globally profitable, and as long as foreign production companies, streaming platforms, and tour operators find larger markets in the romanticized version than in the accurate one, the gap between Colombian memory and international consumption will remain.

To this day, Colombia invests in rebranding campaigns through ProColombia and international cultural diplomacy, but no institutional effort has matched the reach of a single Netflix season, and the communities whose testimony would most accurately complicate the narco narrative remain the least-heard voices in the debate.