The so-called “colectivos” in Venezuela are paramilitary groups that have gained notoriety in recent years for their powerful role in the political and social life of the country. They are known mainly for their unconditional support of the Venezuelan government, their violent repression of protests and their influence in low-income and marginalized communities.
The colectivos recently asserted their presence in the streets of Venezuela by supporting the government and police to crack down on the anti-government protests that have emerged in response to the contested July 28 presidential elections.
Gaining insight into the origin, objectives, and modus operandi of the colectivos, as well as their relationship with the Venezuelan Armed Forces, is key to understanding the broader “civic-military-police union” which, as announced by President Nicolas Maduro, now comprises Venezuela’s system of government.
Colectivos: the origins of Venezuela’s pro-government paramilitaries
Although the colectivos were already operating as part of the urban warfare that hit Venezuela in the 1960s, the paramilitary groups re-emerged in the late 1990s and early 2000s during the presidency of Hugo Chavez. At this stage, they presented themselves as community organizations which promoted the ideals of the Bolivarian Revolution, an ongoing political process based initiated by Chavez based on his interpretation of the thinking of Simon Bolivar, Venezuela’s 19th-century founding father. Originally, these paramilitary groups conducted social, educational and cultural work in poor and marginalized neighborhoods, with the objective of empowering communities and spreading socialist ideology.
Chavez encouraged the creation of these organizations as a way to counteract the power of the political opposition and to ensure support from the most disadvantaged sectors of society. Over time, some collectives began to militarize, especially as political polarization in Venezuela increased.
The newly-militarized groups acquired weapons and began to adopt urban combat tactics, justifying their armament as a defense against potential attempts to destabilize them by opposition sectors or foreign interventions.
The transformation of community collectives into armed groups marked the beginning of their evolution into paramilitary-like structures.
Aims and modus operandi of the colectivos in Venezuela
Although the colectivos were originally formed with a social purpose, their role changed substantially, especially during the government of Nicolas Maduro. These groups have assumed functions of social control, defense of the Bolivarian Revolution and repression of dissidence.
Today the colectivos are considered an armed wing of Chavismo, Venezuela’s left-wing populist political ideology based on the ideas of former President Hugo Chavez. The groups now take charge of protecting the government in times of crisis, especially during the massive protests that have shaken the country in the last decade and that have continued since the contested re-election of President Maduro this July 28.
One of the main objectives of the colectivos is to maintain control in low-income and marginalized areas of Venezuela. These areas used to be pro-government strongholds, but owing to the impacts of the country’s economic crisis, are now becoming more critical of the ruling party. In these neighborhoods, the colectivos use force and intimidation to quell any sign of discontent and enforce loyalty to the regime.
They also serve to coerce voters, ensuring that they cast their ballots in support of Maduro. Often using force and violence, the colectivos act as shock forces during anti-government protests, confronting demonstrators with firearms and other lethal instruments.
The paramilitary groups often operate in coordination with the Bolivarian National Police (PNB) and the Bolivarian National Guard (GNB), which gives them a cloak of impunity. There are numerous reports that colectivos have been involved in illegal detentions, assaults and murders of protesters, yet have not faced prosecution for their actions.
In addition to repression, the colectivos are also involved in criminal activities such as drug trafficking, extortion and smuggling. They control specific territories where they impose their law and keep the population under constant surveillance. In many cases, these groups have supplanted local authorities, acting as a kind of parallel government in the communities they control.
The colectivos’ relationship with the Armed Forces
The relationship between the colectivos and the Venezuelan Armed Forces is complex and ambiguous. On the one hand, the colectivos have received backing and logistical support from sectors of the Armed Forces, especially from the Bolivarian National Guard, which sees these groups as allies in defending the government.
However, this relationship has also generated tensions within military institutions, especially among those who consider that the colectivos represent a threat to the Armed Forces’ constitutional monopoly of force. Since its very beginning, and even more so today, the Venezuelan military is the main support of Chavismo.
In some cases, collaboration between the colectivos and the Armed Forces has been explicit, with both entities acting jointly to quell protests and maintain order. However, there have also been clashes, particularly in areas where the colectivos have illegal economic interests.
A key aspect of this relationship is the role played by the collectivos as an instrument of political control by the government. By maintaining a parallel armed structure loyal to Chavismo, the government can pressure and discipline the Armed Forces, reminding them that they are not the only militarized entity with influence in the country.
Nicolas Maduro’s perfect “civil-military-police” union
Since the beginning of Hugo Chavez’s government in 1999, both the military and these armed civilian groups have played a decisive role in Venezuelan society. However, it has only been since Maduro came to power in 2013 that the military and the colectivos have become essential to ensuring the established order. Maduro himself has declared that this perfect “civic-military-police” union guarantees support for the government.
While the future of the colectivos is uncertain, their existence highlights the fragility of the rule of law in Venezuela and the Maduro government’s dependence on irregular forces to maintain its power. In a country marked by repression and major international economic sanctions, the colectivos have become a symbol of the institutional deterioration and violence that dominates the daily lives of millions of Venezuelans.
Gilberto Manrique, victim of the colectivos in Caracas
Gilberto Manrique is one of the 2.8 million Venezuelans living in Colombia. He arrived in the country five years ago, after having struggled to survive economically in his native Caracas.
Today he lives in Fontibon, a neighborhood in western Bogota, where he works as a painter and “in whatever comes up.” Until 2019, Gilberto lived in the neighborhood where he was born: Caricuao, a low-income neighborhood in the Venezuelan capital.
Manrique said that he has never had participated directly in politics and does not feel either pro- or anti-government, though admits that he initially voted for Chavez because “Venezuela was not doing well.” “The ruling class of a generation was stealing the oil resources and the country began its decline. Chavez changed all that and the benefits of oil began to be seen in our humble neighborhoods,” he said of Chavez’s initial years in power.
However, he feels that everything changed with Maduro, although sanctions had already started to “twist” things in the last years of Chavez’s presidency. “I remember being at home in 2015, in a meeting with some friends. We never talked about politics, but that day someone complained about the government and the shortage of products,” he said.
Threats from colectivos for criticizing the government
Manrique said that the next day “a group of people showed up at his house, armed with sticks and small arms. They identified themselves as members of the colectivo and in fact I knew some of them from the neighborhood,” he said. They threatened him and his family, claiming that he had been “conspiring” against Maduro. “This was all because of a conversation that a guest made in my house, in a private meeting of friends,” he said.
Since then, things have been getting worse. “You are even afraid to express your opinion, to show your frustration. Most of us don’t care who is in charge of the country. What we want is not to go through the struggles we went through in my last years in Venezuela,” Manrique said, referencing the hardships and subsequent exodus of millions of Venezuelans between 2015 and 2019.
Hit by the shortage of basic foodstuffs and medicines, and fed up with feeling “locked up in [his] own house,” Manrique felt he had no choice but to emigrate to Colombia. His story is that of the many Venezuelans who have become victims of their government’s repression, the violence of the colectivos, and of the international sanctions that have sunk the country.