Nazism is an ideology from which Colombia was not spared—during its fervent rise in the 20th century or even after its defeat in Europe 80 years ago at the end of World War II. Like much of the world, Colombia has been a silent witness over the past century to the disturbing persistence of Nazi ideology.
Though it never reached the scale of a mass movement, Nazism in Colombia left a distinct mark through ideological infiltration, clandestine networks, and its resurgence in the digital age. From the fervor of the 1930s to its echoes in modern neo-Nazi groups, the history of Nazism in Colombia serves as a dark reflection of how extremist ideologies can adapt and endure.
Fascism and nazism penetrate Colombia and Latin America
In the 1920s, as Europe grappled with postwar instability, the rise of fascism in Italy and later Nazism in Germany resonated in Latin America.
In Colombia, factions within the conservative elite viewed the authoritarian order imposed by figures like Mussolini and Hitler with sympathy. The influence was not limited to politics: German cultural institutions, such as the Andino-Deutsche Schule (German School) in Bogota, became hubs for spreading Nazi ideology, particularly during the 1930s.
During this period, the Third Reich fostered relations with several Latin American countries through diplomatic, commercial, and cultural networks. Colombia was no exception.
According to declassified documents from the U.S. State Department, by 1938, there were over 5,000 German citizens living in Colombia. Some of them—especially members of the communities in Barranquilla and Bogota—maintained ties with the German National Socialist Party. The German consulate in Barranquilla even hosted pro-Nazi meetings and events featuring Nazi symbolism.
World War II: espionage, deportations, and surveillance
With the outbreak of World War II, the Colombian government—then led by Eduardo Santos—began distancing itself from the Axis powers. In 1941, Colombia severed relations with Germany, and by 1943, under President Alfonso López Pumarejo, it declared war on the Third Reich.
During this time, Colombia collaborated with the United States to identify and deport German citizens suspected of espionage or Nazi activities.
The most well-known case was that of Werner Hartenstein, an alleged spy for the Abwehr (German military intelligence), arrested in Bogotá in 1942. More than 100 German citizens and Nazi sympathizers were deported to detention camps in the U.S.
American intelligence agencies (through the FBI and the Office of Hemisphere Affairs) compiled lists of individuals suspected of pro-Nazi activities in Colombia. Some investigations suggest that clandestine radios transmitted information to Europe, particularly from the Caribbean coast.
Postwar refuge: myth and reality
After the war, persistent rumors emerged that high-ranking Nazis fled to Latin America, particularly Argentina, Paraguay, and Brazil. Colombia was also mentioned in some of these theories.
Archives from the Simon Wiesenthal Center list Colombia as a possible transit point for Nazi war criminals. While there is no proven evidence of prolonged stays by figures like Josef Mengele or Adolf Eichmann on Colombian soil, documents from Israel’s Mossad indicate that Bogotá served as a stopover for some fugitives.
One of the most documented cases is that of Dr. Herbert Runge, a German physician sympathetic to the Nazi regime, who arrived in Colombia in 1950 and worked for years in Medellin hospitals. Though not accused of war crimes, his German records revealed his involvement in the Third Reich’s medical system.
Parallel to this, the debunked theory that Adolf Hitler did not commit suicide in April 1945 in Berlin but instead fled to Latin America also reached Colombia. A thoroughly discredited version claims that Tunja, a city roughly 30 miles north of Bogota, harbored an aging, fugitive Führer during the 1950s.
Homegrown neo-nazism: a marginal but persistent ideology
Since the 1990s, neo-Nazism began taking shape in Colombia, particularly among middle- and lower-class youth influenced by similar movements in Europe and North America.
In cities like Bogota, Medellin, and Cali, small cells emerged, blending Nazi symbolism with nationalist, racist, and homophobic rhetoric.
In 2005, then-director of the National Police, Jorge Daniel Castro, warned of at least six active neo-Nazi groups in Colombia. One of them, known as Tercera Fuerza (Third Force), was responsible for attacks on Venezuelan immigrants and LGBTQ+ community members.
In 2011, a scandal erupted when it was discovered that the Simon Bolivar Police Academy in Tulua had conducted training activities featuring Nazi symbolism, including a portrayal of Adolf Hitler at an official event. Though the government apologized and sanctioned those responsible, the incident exposed a dangerous trivialization of Nazism within public institutions.
Tercera Fuerza, el grupo neonazi más violento de Colombia – https://t.co/gVOTGDGr0G pic.twitter.com/cFB8zZUeJ7
— Las2orillas (@Las2Orillas) August 24, 2017
Nazism online: the digital surge of extremism
With the rise of social media, extremist groups found a new arena. Platforms like Telegram, Facebook, and TikTok have hosted over a dozen Colombian neo-Nazi or far-right channels between 2020 and 2024. Many promote conspiracy theories, Holocaust denial, and hate speech.
A 2023 study by the Peace and Reconciliation Foundation (Pares) warned that at least 2,500 digital profiles in Colombia spread supremacist content, with 40% operated by individuals under 25.
As of 2025, Colombia still lacks clear legislation criminalizing the glorification of Nazism or Holocaust denial, unlike European countries. Historians and human rights advocates have called for educational programs to prevent youth radicalization and preserve historical memory.
The presence of Nazism in Colombia, though marginal, has never fully disappeared. Its history—a mix of ideological sympathies, clandestine networks, institutional negligence, and digital resurgence—serves as a wake-up call about the dangers of forgetting and downplaying totalitarian ideologies.
In times of polarization and misinformation, citizen vigilance and education remain the best weapons against hate.