The Colombian House of Representatives has received the filing of a motion of censure against Defense Minister Pedro Sanchez following the deaths of 15 minors in four military bombings carried out against structures of illegal armed groups. The issue, which has generated a strong public debate, has revived questions about how air operations are carried out and about the state’s mechanisms to prevent the involvement of minors in the conflict.
The case gained national relevance because the bombings were conducted in areas where dissident groups of the former FARC guerrillas operate and recruit minors, in a type of operation that President Petro had denied for months precisely due to the danger posed to minors who are victims of forced recruitment.
Although the government has argued that these are operations against criminal groups with an active armed presence, the recorded deaths have reignited the discussion about the limits of the use of force and the state’s heightened obligations in contexts where vulnerable populations are present, even though the Defense Ministry and the presidency say that the military operations respected International Humanitarian Law (IHL).
Human rights organizations, the Ombudsman’s Office, and academic sectors have called for clarity on the protocols applied, while pressure grows in Congress to establish political responsibility. The motion of censure seeks precisely for the minister to answer for the orders issued, the prior intelligence verification, and the criteria used to authorize the attacks.
Colombia’s opposition to seek censure of Defense minister over minors’ deaths in bombings
One of the main arguments of the representatives backing the motion is the alleged failure to verify intelligence information before authorizing the bombings. According to the proponents, the presence of minors in the targeted camps was a known risk, given that cases of forced recruitment have been repeatedly documented in these areas.
In Congress, critical voices have insisted that IHL requires additional measures when there is a likelihood that minors may be present in target zones. For the signatories, these standards were not adequately met. Some legislators from the government’s own bloc joined the initiative, revealing internal discontent, although it has yet to translate into majority support.
The Defense Ministry has responded that the operations were conducted following established protocols and that the minors were victims of the actions of illegal groups that recruit them. The Ministry assures that the primary responsibility lies with those organizations and that the bombings are justified by the state’s duty to neutralize armed structures operating in hard-to-reach areas.
The member of Congress in charge of submitting the motion was Katherine Miranda, of the House of Representatives for the Green Alliance and leader of the faction within that party that opposes the government.
“Fifteen children who were victims of forced recruitment have been bombed by the government of Gustavo Petro, Global Power of Life. … Do you want another argument for the minister of Defense to resign? A little coherence is not too much to ask …” the Green representative wrote on her X social media account one day before filing the motion.
15 niños víctimas de reclutamiento forzoso han sido bombardeados por el gobierno de @petrogustavo Potencial Mundial de la Vida…
¿Quieren otro argumento para que el Ministro de Defensa renuncie?
Un poquito de coherencia no es mucho pedir… https://t.co/VdTqy4z9km
— Katherine Miranda (@KatheMirandaP) November 18, 2025
What are the chances of the motion of censure succeeding?
The processing of the motion follows the established steps: First, the minister is summoned to a political oversight debate in the House plenary; then, a vote requiring 94 approvals to pass. Numerically, reaching that figure is difficult. The balance of power in the legislature has not changed substantially since September, when a previous motion against the same minister was defeated by more than 100 votes.
Although this time the core issue is more sensitive, especially due to the number of minors killed, the major parties have not given clear signals that they want to remove the minister. Critical sectors within the governing coalition may maintain their support for the motion as a political gesture, but without going so far as to break the unity necessary to remove a cabinet member.
Parliamentary sources estimate that, even with increased dissenting voices, it is unlikely that the opposition will gather enough votes. However, they do expect an intense debate that will force the government to provide deeper explanations about the planning and execution of the operations, as well as to review child-protection protocols in conflict contexts.
Among the criticisms coming at the government from all sides — including from its own left-wing lawmakers — is that the argument used six years ago to demand the removal of the Defense minister at the time is now being denied by the current government of President Petro.
In this regard, for example, Jaime Caicedo, secretary-general of the Colombian Communist Party, an ally of the government, posted a video on social media criticizing the death of children in the recent military bombings. “We condemn the death of these minors. This action cannot be justified with the old militarist and Uribista arguments, and therefore we believe that the path of political solutions must be pursued,” said Caicedo, who described the military action that ended the children’s lives as “disproportionate.”
El PCC, lamenta y rechaza la muerte de los menores de edad en el Guaviare tras bombardeo militar. Urge fortalecer la búsqueda de La Paz y el cese al fuego y la garantía del DIH. No podemos caer en discursos que justifican prácticas cuestionables del pasado. pic.twitter.com/V3uNe6XGc1
— Partido Comunista Colombiano ☭ (@notipaco) November 17, 2025
Precedents weighing on the debate: the motion against former Minister Botero in 2019
The motion brings to mind the episode that occurred in 2019, when then–Defense Minister Guillermo Botero resigned amid a political crisis sparked by a bombing in which they killed minors recruited by illegal groups.
Although the contexts are different, that precedent has been cited by lawmakers who believe the country cannot normalize the deaths of minors during official operations.
The precedent also shows that, even when a motion of censure fails to reach the required votes, the accumulated political cost can lead to internal decisions within the executive.
In this case, the government has closed ranks around Minister Sanchez, but public pressure and the gravity of the issue could force operational changes or adjustments in the direction of security policy.
Beyond whether the motion passes or not, the process has once again brought into question the balance between military action and the protection of children’s rights in conflict zones. Although illegal armed groups are responsible for recruiting and exposing minors, Colombian society demands that state operations minimize risks to the greatest extent possible and meet strict verification standards.
The legislative outcome will be important, but the political impact is already unfolding. The case opens the door to reviewing how the decision to use air power in rural areas is made and executed, and to assessing whether existing mechanisms are sufficient to prevent tragedies like those currently under debate.
Minister Sanchez will have to answer not only before the House but also before a public opinion that is closely following every detail of a case that has revived one of the most complex dilemmas of the Colombian conflict.