The Colombian government, Gustavo Petro, announced yesterday, Saturday, that it had concluded the seventh cycle of dialogue with the illegal armed group led by Calarca Córdoba — known as alias Calarca — a cell born as a dissident faction from the 2016 Peace Accords with the now-defunct FARC, and presented a series of commitments signed by both parties. The announcement, made by President Gustavo Petro, generated controversy in various sectors of the country, as it comes amid a scandal over possible links between this group and state agents.
According to the official statement, the agreements include the prohibition of recruiting minors, the commitment to replace illicit crops in areas such as Caquetá through the revitalization of the jungle, the concentration of the group in a specific zone of Catatumbo, the cessation of offensive actions against the Public Force, and the creation of joint mechanisms to dismantle illegal economies such as extortion or kidnapping. The creation of state-supported agricultural cooperatives is also planned.
Colombia confirms first agreements with illegal armed group led by alias Calarca
Petro argued that the negotiating table remained active despite investigations involving members of the Army and national intelligence. He insisted that the allegations published in the press constitute “a disinformation strategy” designed by “retired officers.” He reiterated his commitment to what he has called “total peace,” arguing that opening spaces for dialogue is not a sign of weakness but a willingness to pursue transformation.
The context in which this agreement is announced is complex, as journalistic reports were recently released pointing to alleged links between members of the Army and state intelligence and this Calarcá dissident faction. These allegations cast doubt on the State’s impartiality and directly impacted the credibility of the peace plan.
In this regard, and after announcing the first agreements, the president denounced these reports — published by at least the local outlets El Tiempo and Caracol Televisión — which, he said, sought to instill in public opinion the notion of an alleged alliance between the Government and illegal armed groups.
According to the president, these publications are part of an alleged coordinated disinformation strategy, built on wrongly attributed recordings, statements by an imprisoned individual, and the involvement of retired officers, with the aim of undermining the State’s operations and the ongoing dialogue process.
“At the beginning and throughout my government I have removed dozens of generals and high-ranking officers. I did this to disrupt shady deals in some cases, to remove officers questioned over human rights issues in others. In other cases because of the line of hierarchy with which they would come in to exercise command. For this, together with Minister Velasquez, I sought advice from people who knew the inner workings of the public force. Those who developed the media strategy for Caracol and El Tiempo are this group of officers removed by me, and they thought that Wilmar and Huertas were advising me on the issue of promotions and dismissals and that I obeyed them,” he wrote last night on his personal account on the social network X.
El mismo día apareció tanto en @Eltiempo como en @CarcacolTV dos informaciones pendientes a hacer creer a la opinión pública colombiana y a los estadounidenses que mi gobierno está aliado con grupos armados ilegales
Un empeño concertado de la prensa tradicional y de los…
— Gustavo Petro (@petrogustavo) November 29, 2025
Calarcá Córdoba is one of the leading figures of the dissident group known as the General Staff of the Blocs and Front (EMBF). This group, which split in 2023 from the faction led by alias Iván Mordisco precisely due to differences over dialogue with the State, gained notoriety earlier this week after alleged links to several high-ranking officials were reported.
Its record includes allegations of forced displacement, violence against reincorporated ex-combatants, and territorial control through threats, extortion, and involvement in drug trafficking. These antecedents explain the mistrust among much of society regarding the legitimacy of any agreement with its leaders.
What was agreed yesterday?
As for the agreements, on Saturday, November 29, the Colombian president announced concrete commitments following the end of the seventh round of talks. These agreements include ending the recruitment of minors; the creation of a concentration zone in the Catatumbo region, in Norte de Santander; the substitution of illicit crops in the department of Caquetá through forest revitalization processes with direct State involvement; the cessation of offensive actions against the Public Force; and the establishment, jointly with the Government, of a financing mechanism to dismantle extortion, kidnapping, and other illegal economies.
Supporters of the talks with this illegal armed group hope that these agreed commitments will open a window to de-escalate violence in regions historically affected by the armed conflict, such as Caquetá and Catatumbo. If implemented, replacing illicit crops with State-backed agricultural production models could offer viable alternatives for rural farming communities.
The prohibition of recruiting minors and the cessation of attacks against the Public Force at least formalize an agreement that, on paper, meets minimal humanitarian standards. If effective verification mechanisms are consolidated, public trust in the possibility of reconciliation could be partially restored.
However, the country’s recent history shows that agreements with groups with violent pasts tend to be fragile. Added to this is the short amount of time available to finalize a comprehensive agreement, considering that this government ends its term in August of next year and that the entire conservative opposition bloc opposes the current peace talks, which fall under President Petro’s Total Peace policy.
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