The Colombian government has officially announced that Uruguay will join the peace negotiations with the Coordinadora Nacional Ejercito Bolivariano (CNEB), better known as Colombia’s Mendoza dissidents, as a new international facilitator.
The decision comes at a pivotal moment for the talks, which are set to conclude their sixth cycle on Dec. 6 with the signing of agreements establishing the Comprehensive Training and Temporary Relcoation Zones — Zonas de Capacitacion Integral y Ubicación Temporal (ZOCIUT). These zones are designed to guide members of the armed group through a structured transition toward civilian life.
Montevideo’s entry adds diplomatic weight as the process moves into a decisive phase. For the administration of President Gustavo Petro, the addition of Uruguay represents an effort to reinforce credibility, oversight, and diplomatic legitimacy as negotiations advance toward more sensitive commitments.
At the same time, the dissident faction led by Walter Mendoza faces increasing expectations to demonstrate its willingness to abandon armed activity and integrate with local communities in a peaceful manner.
Negotiations marked by tangible security gains
Although the dialogues with the Mendoza dissidence have unfolded with caution, they have already delivered one of the most significant security advances seen in a negotiation process in recent years.
In early November 2025, the government announced the destruction of more than 14 tons of war materials belonging to the group. This unprecedented action involved dismantling weapons, ammunition supplies, and assorted military equipment that had sustained the faction’s operations.
Government officials described the destruction effort as a breakthrough that showcased the dissidence’s willingness to engage in verifiable commitments. Beyond the symbolic value, the elimination of the arsenal reduced the group’s operational capacity and built momentum for upcoming agreements on demobilization and reintegration.
It also reassured local communities living in historically affected areas, where the presence of armed actors has long undermined safety and trust in state institutions.
This milestone helped shift the tone of the talks. What had initially been viewed with skepticism by analysts and political opponents began to show signs of measurable progress. The government stressed that such outcomes aligned with the broader national objective of reducing armed violence through negotiated, verifiable steps rather than solely through military intervention.
For the dissidence, it was an opportunity to demonstrate seriousness and differentiate itself from other factions that have rejected or abandoned peace efforts.
About the Mendoza dissidence
The Coordinadora Nacional Ejercito Bolivariano (CNEB) emerged from breakaway elements that diverged from previous peace processes and maintained an armed presence in remote regions of Colombia. Led by Walter Mendoza, the faction consolidated itself as a small but structured organization, with an estimated 120 active combatants supported by local networks. In several areas, the group exerted territorial control through methods typical of armed actors, including taxation of illegal economies and exercising influence over rural communities.
Its leadership has historically combined military discipline with political messaging, portraying the movement as one that seeks social transformation. However, in practice, the group’s operations reflected the challenges of armed factions navigating between ideological narratives and survival economies. This dual identity made the dissidence both an armed threat and a potential negotiating partner, one whose motivations were shaped by local power dynamics rather than national-scale ambitions.
CNEB’s decision to enter formal dialogue reflected internal shifts within the organization. Aging command structures, territorial pressures, and declining operational resources all contributed to a reassessment of strategy. According to analysts, the group increasingly recognized that a controlled transition into civilian life offered a more sustainable path than indefinite armed resistance.
For Colombia, engaging with this faction served a broader purpose: Reducing fragmentation among armed groups and preventing new cycles of violence in regions where state presence is still consolidating.
Why Uruguay’s role matters and its contribution to the negotiation table
Uruguay’s entry as a facilitator strengthens the institutional backbone of the peace process. Montevideo has built a reputation over decades for neutrality, diplomatic professionalism, and active engagement in multilateral mechanisms, including participation in United Nations peacekeeping missions. Its foreign policy is characterized by steady, nonpartisan approaches to conflict resolution, making it an ideal partner for a process that requires balanced oversight.
By joining the table, Uruguay will assume responsibilities that include monitoring commitments, accompanying discussions, and acting as a witness to the implementation of agreements. Its role also helps diffuse political tensions, offering a neutral presence that both sides can trust when disagreements emerge.
For President Petro’s government, the addition of Uruguay aligns with its broader strategy of internationalizing support for peacebuilding efforts. Encouraging new partners to join provides not only external legitimacy but also increases accountabilities for all parties involved. Uruguay’s participation signals that the process is evolving beyond bilateral talks into a reinforced multilateral framework capable of withstanding political pressures.
For the dissidence, the involvement of a neutral foreign facilitator offers reassurance that the commitments they make will be accompanied by international guarantees, reducing fears of unilateral interpretations or future reversals.
Commitments and expectations from the Mendoza Faction
As the negotiations progress, the Mendoza dissidence faces growing pressure to demonstrate meaningful advances toward demobilization. The creation of the ZOCIUT zones marks a decisive phase in this effort. These transitional areas will serve as spaces where at least 120 members of the group are expected to begin reintegration into civilian life.
The zones will provide not only logistical support, but also psychological, educational, and community-based assistance designed to address the challenges of rebuilding lives after years in armed structures.
The dissidence has publicly committed to reducing hostile actions, participating in verification mechanisms, and supporting local initiatives aimed at strengthening community trust. While internal challenges remain — such as ensuring cohesion within the ranks during the transition — the group’s leadership has emphasized that its goal is to move away from military activity and toward community-focused participation.
What comes next for the peace process?
The closing of the sixth negotiation cycle on Dec. 6 will conclude with the formal signing of the ZOCIUT agreement, a document that sets the road map for the group’s reintegration. In the coming months, attention will shift to implementation and verification, both areas where Uruguay’s involvement is expected to play a stabilizing role.
If the process advances as planned, Colombia could see a significant reduction in armed activity in areas where the Mendoza dissidence once exercised control. However, the long-term success of the negotiations will depend on sustained efforts from local communities, government institutions, and international partners.
The coming months will test the strength of the commitments made so far. Yet for the first time in years, a structured pathway exists for more than 100 armed fighters to lay down their weapons and reintegrate fully into Colombian society. Uruguay’s arrival at the table signals that this effort is no longer a strictly national matter, but a shared regional responsibility driven by the hope of lasting peace.