The President of the United States, Donald Trump, convened a summit of Latin American leaders for March 7 in Miami with a guest list that featured one conspicuous absence: Colombia’s president, Gustavo Petro, was not invited. The decision marks a contrast with the historic closeness between Bogotá and Washington and the renewed signs of dialogue between the two governments following last week’s meeting at the White House.
Washington confirmed that heads of state considered close to Trump’s agenda on issues such as security, migration, and economic policy will attend. Colombia, one of the United States’ main strategic partners in the region over the past decades, was left out of the meeting. The exclusion, which—despite having a clear political logic—did not go unnoticed in diplomatic and political circles in Latin America.
In this way, the March 7 summit becomes a meeting between the White House and Latin American right-wing or far-right governments that, in more than one case, Trump himself has promoted through public statements or direct threats regarding electoral processes.
Trump convenes summit of Latin American presidents, excludes Colombia’s Petro
The summit will be held in Miami, a key city in U.S. hemispheric politics and a frequent setting for debates about Latin America. According to official sources, the meeting will address cooperation on security, the fight against organized crime, migration flows, and investment. China’s influence in the region is also expected to be one of the central topics.
The profile of the invited leaders suggests a clearly defined political criterion. These are governments that have shown alignment with Washington on strategic matters and that share a tougher stance on irregular migration and the advance of extra-regional actors. It is not a broad or institutional call, but rather a selective meeting directly driven by the White House.
The choice of this format reinforces the idea that the Trump administration seeks to strengthen a bloc of countries aligned with its hemispheric approach. Instead of opting for a forum representative of all Latin American ideological currents, the invitation prioritizes specific affinities.
Gustavo Petro’s absence gains relevance due to Colombia’s weight in its historic relationship with the United States, although it responds to the current political differences between the two countries. For years, the Colombian and U.S. governments maintained close cooperation on security and the fight against drug trafficking. However, since Petro came to power in 2022—and especially following Trump’s return in January of last year—the relationship has taken on nuances and deep disagreements.
The Colombian government has proposed revising the traditional approach to combating drugs, as well as pursuing a more diversified foreign policy. Petro has defended an accelerated energy transition and has promoted a regional agenda with greater autonomy from Washington. Those positions contrast with Trump’s priorities.
Although there has been no formal rupture in the bilateral relationship, public disagreements have emerged on sensitive issues. In that context, the lack of an invitation can be interpreted as a clear political signal. For some analysts, it represents a way of defining the circle of allies at a moment when U.S. regional strategy is being redefined.
Countries invited to the Miami summit
The Latin American countries invited by the White House correspond to governments fully aligned with Washington’s logic. In this regard, the list includes Daniel Noboa, president of Ecuador; Santiago Peña, president of Paraguay; Javier Milei, president of Argentina; Nasry Asfura, president of Honduras; Nayib Bukele, president of El Salvador; and Rodrigo Paz, president of Bolivia.
Countries as important—due to demographic, economic, and historical weight—as Mexico, Brazil, and Colombia—all with progressive-leaning governments—have been left out of a summit that seeks to strengthen collaboration among those who conceive of security and public life through the same ideological prism.
In addition, personal sympathies between Trump and some conservative Latin American leaders have been evident on more than one occasion, especially with those who align with more far-right positions. In this regard, the U.S. president’s references to Nayib Bukele as “one of my favorite people” have been constant, as reported by outlets such as CNN.
Similarly, the closeness—particularly on economic matters—between the U.S. leader and Argentine President Javier Milei is well known; Trump once described him as his “favorite president.” Other regional leaders, such as Daniel Noboa, have repeatedly expressed explicit support for the Trump administration’s policies in Latin America, including the summary executions of alleged drug traffickers in the Caribbean or the Pacific and the capture of Nicolás Maduro last January in Venezuela.