Just over two weeks before the March 8 legislative elections and presidential primaries in Colombia, tensions are rising on the left over the new endorsements being gathered by the dissident progressive candidate, Roy Barreras.
Until last year, Colombia’s ambassador to London and a figure close to President Gustavo Petro, Barreras decided to take part in the primaries despite the fact that the Pacto Historico — the former coalition and now single party backing the candidacy of the main continuity candidate, Ivan Cepeda — urged its members not to take part in that vote.
The rift deepened when Barreras secured the backing of the Labor Union (USO, by its acronym in Spanish), an organization that also supports the current Petro administration. He also has the backing of two other strong unions, such as Fecode (teachers) and Central Unitaria de Trabajadores (CUT).
Colombia’s left in tension: Barreras gains union support as Pacto urges primaries boycott
When the controversial decision by the Centro Nacional Electoral (CNE) a few weeks ago to bar Ivan Cepeda from participating in the left’s primary elections was announced, the first major crack opened within the ruling bloc ahead of this year’s May and June presidential elections.
Since then, what was supposed to be a mechanism to strengthen the progressive electoral offer on March 8, coinciding with the legislative elections, has turned into a political battleground.
The CNE’s decision to block Ivan Cepeda from taking part in the Front for Life (Frente por la Vida) primary — arguing that he had already competed in a previous interparty primary — was the trigger that ignited controversy within the ranks of the left.
In response, the leadership of the Historic Pact (Pacto Históorico), the movement backing Cepeda and also the dominant party in the current government, issued an internal circular asking its members not to vote or promote any campaign activity in the March 8 primaries.
The document insisted that all political and organizational strength should focus on securing a strong vote for congressional lists under the Pacto Historico banner, rather than dispersing efforts in a process they consider marginal, divided, and, for some, ill-timed.
For many analysts, this decision sends a clear message of party discipline: Prioritizing internal structure and parliamentary seats over any individual prominence in parallel processes. But it has also been interpreted as a sign of concern about the possibility of deeper fractures that could weaken the influence of progressivism in the first presidential round and in Congress.
Roy Barreras gains support and challenges the strategy
Amid this tension, Roy Barreras has not remained silent. From being a participant with no chance of securing a spot in the first round, today the former ambassador has every chance of prevailing in a primary without Cepeda, which could reposition him on the political stage ahead of the presidential elections.
Through his social media and public statements, he has insisted that unity is not built by threatening or excluding, but by embracing all currents and consolidating the progressive vote at every possible level.
His message has been direct: “Do not sow wounds that I will later have to heal,” he said, insisting that it is necessary to join forces in the primaries rather than abstain.
Barreras’ strategy also includes building support outside the traditional core of the Historic Pact. A recent example is the public endorsement by USO, the historic oil sector union in Colombia, which announced its explicit backing of his candidacy for the March 8 primary.
The union highlighted programmatic alignment with Barreras on issues particularly sensitive to its members, such as energy policy and the future of the oil sector. This union backing is interpreted by some as an attempt by Barreras to consolidate a broad social base that could translate into effective votes both in the primaries and in a potential first presidential round.
“USO endorses the candidacy of Roy Barreras, considering him the figure capable of uniting progressive, liberal, and center-left sectors,” the union’s leadership wrote on its official X account.
“The union organization emphasizes that, although progress must be made toward renewable energy, oil and gas production should not be ‘allowed to wither’ to avoid dependence on imports,” it added, in what appears to be an open questioning of the energy policy of the current Petro administration and of Cepeda’s proposals.
#SomosUSO #UnidosPorElFuturoEnergeticoDelPais
🗳️La USO adhiere a la candidatura de Roy Barreras, considerándolo la figura capaz de unir a sectores progresistas, liberales y de centro-izquierda.
🛢️ La organización sindical enfatiza que, aunque se debe avanzar en energías… pic.twitter.com/KwVC25c5LZ
— USO Colombia (@usofrenteobrero) February 19, 2026
For his part, Colombia’s left Barreras himself thanked supporters for this new backing. “A broad front in which all the forces of progressivism can fit,” he replied to the message from USO, which also announced that Adelina Covo, mother-in-law of Interior Minister Armando Benedetti, had also publicly shown her support for him, despite having voted for Ivan Cepeda in the Polo Democratico’s October 26 primary.
How serious are the divisions within a bloc that until a month ago appeared monolithic?
This dynamic, however, has not been free of criticism from within the ranks of progressivism itself. Some leaders of the Historic Pact have pointed out that Barreras’ push for a parallel primary could fragment the left-wing vote and jeopardize the movement’s solidity at a crucial stage of the electoral contest.
For these critics, scattered participation in multiple primaries and a lack of coordination could benefit right- or center-leaning sectors seeking to capitalize on any fracture within progressivism. The clash over March 8 is just one piece of a broader puzzle that will culminate on May 31 with the first round of the presidential election.
The internal tension has made it clear that the Colombian left is entering a new phase following the decision by CNE that opened the door to divisions, which, although they evidently already existed, altered the course of the ruling coalition on the road to its split.
The differences between those who prioritize party discipline and those who advocate expanding spaces for participation reflect a deep debate over how and with whom to contest power in an increasingly competitive electoral scenario.
The tension also translates into additional pressure on Ivan Cepeda, whose candidacy now largely depends on the unified backing of his own movement, given that his absence from the March primary places him in a singular position compared to other contenders.
For Barreras, the bet on an active primary with union backing represents an attempt to project his leadership beyond traditional structures, even if the cost may be greater distancing from the core of official progressivism.
As the left debates tactics and priorities, the electorate watches closely and with a degree of uncertainty. The internal cohesion that until just a few months ago seemed like a solid asset has become a subject of dispute, and the way these tensions are resolved — or intensify — could have a significant impact on the overall dynamics of the presidential election in Colombia.
For millions of progressive voters, these weeks are a test of the left’s ability to organize. The depth of the wounds that in these weeks — and up to the first-round vote at the end of May — open among the different candidates will shape the prospects for future dialogue and the necessary reconciliation to have a chance in a potential runoff.